It’s news
when right of center and left of center policy mavins can get together on
anything, much less a complicated and values laden problem such as reducing
poverty. But, that’s exactly what a team
of scholars from the conservative American Enterprise Institute and the progressive
Brookings Institution, with the guidance of New York University’s Jonathan
Haidt, have just accomplished.
The working
group included 15 scholars—7 from Brookings, 7 from AEI and Haidt--who spent 14
months trying to develop a shared understanding of the causes of poverty and to
build a framework for addressing it. The
result is an 85 page report that seeks to craft policies promoting personal responsibility, opportunity and
financial security, the three values that all of the scholars agreed were
central to addressing poverty.
In many
ways, this is a remarkable document. It
does a fairly good job of dispensing with the talking points of both sides. Instead, it insists that all policies must both
flow from a clear-eyed factual view of reality and be empirically proven to
accomplish what they sets out to accomplish.
It is forthright in identifying the known unknowns, it is cautious about
making broad policy prescriptions in the face of uncertainty, and it suggests
pilot programs that test its conclusions to insure that what it suggests will
be effective and scalable.
Chapter 2
of the report is particularly refreshing in that it specifies a shared set of
facts about the world. This is a major achievement in itself. Liberals and conservatives tend to see the
world through different lenses, and I suspect that the purpose of Chapter 2 was
to end the argument about which side’s view of the world was correct.
Among the
key facts that are now no longer open to dispute. According to the report:
- · The poverty rate for the elderly declined from 35% in 1959 to 10% in 2014 and “this progress can be attributed to government programs because the entire reason for the decline is Social Security;
- · The poverty rate has risen since the Great Recession, and regardless of how it is measured, the poverty rate has never fallen below 15 percent and remains within the15-20 percent range;
- · There is little economic mobility in the United States. Children in the top and bottom income quintiles—40 percent of all children--are much more likely to wind up in or near their parents’ quintiles than other children;
- · The rungs on the economic ladder are getting further apart;
- · There are fewer marriages and more children living in single parent homes, giving children from two parent homes a major advantage;
- · Less-educated men (especially blacks) have been working less over time, partly in response to their declining wages;
- · The wages of at least 90 percent of men have fallen since the Great Recession if benefits like health insurance are not taken into account;
- · Wages for men at and below the 50th percentile are similar to or lower than they were in 1979;
- · Government work support benefits have greatly reduced poverty rates among single-mother families (and low–income two parent families as well) every year since 1987. Thus, the federal work support system achieves the important goal of making work pay;
- · The minimum wage and collective bargaining “have traditionally helped limit inequality”; and
- · The gap in reading scores between children in the top and bottom income quintiles has grown, as has the gap in educational attainment.
Imagine
that! Conservatives finally willing to agree that government anti-poverty
programs actually work! Not only that, but they agreed that collective
bargaining and minimum wages “traditionally” served the admirable purpose of
reducing inequality. And they also
agreed that low wages (and not laziness or shiftlessness) had at least
something to do with the declining number of hours black men work. Elsewhere in the chapter, they also
acknowledge that there is some evidence that bleak economic prospects for
potential mates has influenced the rate of marriage among the poor.
There’s
other good language in the remaining six chapters that progressives can
cheer. Scholars on the right have made
it possible to move on from the arguments that we lost the war on poverty or
that government programs designed to help the poor don’t simply transform the
safety net into what House Speaker Paul Ryan likes to describe as a
hammock. On the whole, we progressives
can feel hopeful about the fact that representatives from DC’s premier
conservative think tank have finally heard what we’ve been saying and taken the
evidence seriously.
That’s the
good news. The bad news, which I’ll
detail in my next post, is that in order to get this good language,
progressives have had to capitulate on the right’s claim, as detailed in
Charles Murray’s Coming Apart, that
culture plays an important role in creating American poverty. The Brookings folks have implicitly signed on
to the proposition that the poor, in large part, are at fault for their
poverty.
This is an
important point, because it affects the kinds of remedies that can be
considered and accepted by all. Whereas
progressives are likely to look at the problem from a macro level and propose
remedies that seek to reform the entire economic system—full employment
policies, for example—conservatives tend to focus on improving the behavior of
the individual. And, for the most part,
that’s what we get in the policy proposal chapters of the report.
I do think
that the report suggests some good ideas for addressing poverty. Something is almost always better than
nothing. But I also think that it’s
folly not to emphasize the need to reform the economy as a whole. The problem with the poor isn’t that they’re
not good, smart or responsible. The
problem with the poor is that they’re caught in a system that makes it hard for
them to earn enough money.
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