Friday, April 1, 2016

Potty Politics


Michael C. Hughes, transgendered man
           I’m taking a break today from potty-mouthed presidential candidates to focus instead on the politics of restrooms.
            We men really don’t give much thought to the public facilities we use to answer nature’s call.  These are not places in which anyone wants to spend much time.  We generally have stalls with doors for activities that require toilet paper. For activities that don’t require toilet paper, sometimes there are small dividers that make it difficult to see what your neighbor is doing, and sometimes there aren’t.
            I confess to a certain curiosity about the companion facilities devoted to ladies.  There must be something special about them since women tend to visit them in larger groupings and stay there somewhat longer than men would.  I presume that they largely consist of multiple stalls since all female restroom operations require toilet paper.  But, I’ve never been inside—I think I would feel uncomfortable and unwanted there with my bald head and graying mustache—so I really don’t know.
            I’ve taken to thinking about this because of the brouhaha that has just bubbled up from North Carolina in the last few days.  At the end of February, the Charlotte City Council passed an ordinance that protects people against discrimination based on marital status, sexual orientation and gender identity.  Among other things, it enables transgendered people to use the restrooms and locker rooms that correspond to their gender identity.
            The State of North Carolina would have none of that. 
            In response, the State Legislature passed, and the Governor signed into law, House Bill 2, otherwise known as the Public Facilities Privacy & Security Act.  Among other things, the law strips cities and counties of their ability to provide greater levels of antidiscrimination protection than the State provides.  Not only does it mandate that people use the facilities designated for their “biological sex,” but it also prevents municipalities from requiring their contractors from extending that greater protection to their employees and customers or passing laws that make it illegal for places of public accommodation to discriminate against people for their gender identities if they happen to vary from their biological sex.
            To avoid all doubt, House Bill 2 specifically provides that there shall be no girls in the men’s room nor boys in the ladies' room.  The law does not provide for monitors to crosscheck anatomy with birth certificates.
            I don’t get this.
            I grew up in an era when, as Archie Bunker used to sing, “goyls were goyls and men were men.”  We all knew which room to use because we knew which gender we were.  Even if a person understood deep down that he or she was a she or a he, nobody had the means to swap out the equipment to conform to his or her internal reality.  Instead, the idea was to avoid stigma, humiliation and mistreatment by hiding the truth.  You just didn’t go around saying you were a girl when your equipment was male.  The ethic was to suffer in silence rather than accept the bruises and broken bones you’d get from other men who didn’t understand.
            But those days are over.  Modern medicine understands that nature doesn’t get it right all the time.  We acknowledge that on relatively rare occasions, nature issues you a jock strap when you really wanted a bra.  We accept that the greater harm is to require a person to betray his or her own nature by conforming to nature’s mistake. And we now have the technology to transform a Bruce into a Caitlin.
            The ostensible concern of the North Carolina State legislature seemed to be that a male sexual predator might decide to claim that his gender identity was female for the day and to haun the ladies' room somewhere in Charlotte, looking for someone female to rape or abuse.  Why there’s no similar concern about male sexual predators haunting the men’s room looking for weaker men and children to abuse is, BTW, remarkable.
            In places that allow people to use the restroom or locker facility consistent with their gender identities elsewhere in the country, there’s no evidence that what the North Carolina State Legislature apparently feared has ever happened.
            Nor is it likely to.  Transgender people have made a commitment to their true gender identities.  Men with female gender identities go out of their way to dress and look like women.  Men who have not made that commitment simply can’t walk into the ladies room and not be noticed, feared and ejected.   
            I can only think of two reasons for this law.  The first is an understandable discomfort on the part of the cigenered arising out of ignorance or prudishness.  These concerns should dissipate as people gain more experience with transgendered people.  In another context, whites, for example, learned to accept and even welcome blacks into what were once strictly segregated facilities (though it initially took the force of law to break the ice).
            But the other reason is troubling.  Even if Charlotte’s ordinance had not been voided by the state government, the vast number of restroom interactions (aside from interactions with porcelain) are going to continue to be between people whose external plumbing matches the room’s fixtures (at least as far as anyone knows).  With so few interactions between cigendered people and transgendered people in restrooms, the only problem the North Carolina law addresses is largely hypothetical or extremely rare.  And laws addressed to hypothetical or extremely rare problems are largely symbolic.
            We are living through an era in which we use symbols to divide and segregate ourselves from our neighbors.  It’s no longer acceptable, in real life, to discriminate overtly against anyone (unless, of course, you’re a Trump follower).  Thus, we use symbolic discrimination.  When our governmental authorities adopt laws that will have very little impact on real life situations, they do so as a way of demonstrating the dominance of one group over another.
            House Bill 2 may, to some extent, flows out of this.  It is the product of what is likely to be the  last gasp of a population that grew up in a whiter, straighter world.  Their numbers are declining, their political influence is waning, and everybody knows it. 
            It’s a shame that they can still make others suffer.  It’s a shame that they can’t pass gently and graciously into the night.

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