Today’s
big government finds running Amtrak too large a challenge, and Trump’s roundup [of
undocumented immigrants] would be about 94 times larger than the wartime internment of 117,000 persons of Japanese descent. But Trump wants America to think big.
The big costs, in decades and dollars (hundreds of billions), of Trump’s
project could be reduced if, say, the targets were required to sew yellow
patches on their clothing to advertise their coming expulsion. There is
precedent.
The
basic problem in the Tragic Commons is that despite the fact that our gains as
a community are far greater when we cooperate, it’s always in everyone’s
individual interest free-ride or cheat.
Who wouldn’t ordinarily wait for somebody else do the work or make the
sacrifice for the community and then take advantage of the benefits that
accrue?
But
we know this, and that’s why we spend so much time and effort trying to cope
with the logic of human nature.
Sometimes we find that we can use incentives to get people to do what
they know they should do anyway. And
sometimes, we realize that the inclination to be selfish is so strong that we
must resort to penalties to discourage the behavior we don’t want. Fortunately, we seem to have no shortage of
people who derive great psychic pleasure from enforcing the rules we adopt as a
community through democratic processes.
Every
once in a while, though, a vociferous segment of our population grows weary of
our democracy. The people in it have no
inclination to contribute to the cost of encouraging people to do the right
thing, and they lose patience with people who, despite our penalties insist on
doing the wrong thing. They get
angry. They lose faith in the admittedly
slow, deliberative process through which our community makes decisions, particularly
when we tend to make decisions they don’t particularly like.
“What
we need,” they conclude, “is a real leader who can make the Commons great
again.” They don’t care about his
policies or his political ideology. Even
if they did, they have no inclination to make studied inquiries, either because
they don’t have the intellectual tools to do so, or because they believe that
nobody really cares about those things anyway. Except for the mainstream media
that, as everyone knows, favors the other side.
What these denizens of the Tragic Commons want is a leader with a bold and abrasive personality promises results.
So
they latch on to a charismatic sort who promises to fix things using simple,
common sense methods anyone could have thought up sitting around a kitchen
table or a bar. They are willing to
trust him because he’s prone to saying all the things they believe deep down in
their guts but won’t say publically for fear that the rest of us may become
offended and begin to think ill of them.
It helps if their new leader seems beyond corruption, perhaps because he
has already been successful in one realm or perhaps because he is
extraordinarily rich. After all, when
you’re rich, as Tevyeh the milkman says, they think you really know.
He
feels their pain, though he’s never actually experienced it. But, he knows who has caused it. “Your woes are not your fault,” he tells
them. Instead, “the blame for your problems rests at the
feet of a discreet group of your neighbors who are not like you, who have no
right to be here and who do not deserve the bounty of your Tragic Commons. Let us deal shrewdly with them lest they conspire with our enemies to
destroy our shining city on a hill.”
The
tactic is as ancient as the Pharaoh in Egypt who sought to exterminate the
Israelites, or the ancient Persian courtier Haman who tried to get the Sultan
to do the same thing. As he, who, in
accordance with Godwin’s Law, must not be named in an internet argument,
found out, it doesn’t take much to convince ordinarily good, peaceful and
civilized people that their salvation lies in rounding up their neighbors and
putting them on boxcars bound for oblivion.
You
cannot blame the object of the people’s affection for any of this. What is democracy but a marketplace of
ideas? Voters listen to the pitches of
those who seek to lead and decide who is saying the things they most want to
hear. The bearer of those popular
messages gains electoral support while the bearers of less popular messages become
“also-rans.” In the democracy of the
Tragic Commons, the leader is nothing without the support of those who placed
him in that position.
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