Here
in Anatevka, we have traditions for everything: how to how to eat, how to
sleep, how to wear clothes. . . This shows our constant devotion to God . . .
And because of our traditions, every one of us knows who he is, and what God
expects him to do.
So
spoke Tevye the milkman in the classic musical A Fiddler on the Roof. But, after reading his dissent in Obergefell v. Hodges, these words could
just as easily have been uttered by Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito.
The
key tension in the musical is between Tevye’s traditional right “as master of
the house,” to have the final word on who his daughters will marry, and the
willful determination of his daughters to select their own mates.
Though
the right of parents to chose spouses for their children went out of style
hundreds of years ago for most of Western culture, Alito insists that
third parties--in this case the States--should have the power to prevent two
people from making this choice for themselves because of a right to
rely on a “traditional” definition of marriage.
Alito
objects to the Obergefell majority’s
determination that the purpose of marriage is to “enhance the happiness of
persons who choose to marry.” He allows that this may be the understanding “shared by many people today,” but he argues
that this understanding “is not the traditional one.” Without a single citation
in support of his claim, he asserts that “For millennia, marriage was
inextricably linked to the one thing that only an opposite-sex couple can do:
procreate.”
His
opinion goes downhill from there.
The
idea that states encourage marriage for the creation and welfare of children is a fanciful
one that is inconsistent with all but the most recent history. For most of history, children were considered
to be chattels of the father. People had
large families, first of all because they had only a casual understanding of birth
control and second because they wanted to enhance the prospects of the family for economic
survival. Until relatively modern times
in the developed world, when childhood death became rare, people had many
children to insure against the possibility that children would die and leave
their parents destitute in their dotage.
If
procreation were the key to marriage, why aren’t people who are unable or unwilling
to have children nevertheless entitled to enjoy the “special benefits” states
confer on mixed-sex couples who marry?
The
answer is, of course, that while procreation might have been part of what some people thought
“traditional marriage” was all about, it was never the full reason for
marriage.
Traditional
marriage has always been about two things.
First of all, it was an economic arrangement between two people and two
families. As a former real estate
lawyer, I’ve always been struck by the similarity between the language spoken
at a traditional Christian marriage ceremony and the language you find in deeds
that evidence ownership of land.
In my own tradition, Jewish European families used to arrange marriages for their
children like Tevye did, based, in part, on
economic considerations. Tevye wanted
his oldest daughter to marry the town butcher so that she (and perhaps the rest of the family) would never go
hungry. Before a Jewish wedding takes
place, the groom must deliver to the bride a written undertaking called a
Ketuba that describes his obligation to provide for the bride’s material needs
and enumerates the property he must give her if the marriage ends.
The
second thing traditional marriage is about is, frankly, who has access to the
bride’s body. Justice Alito is right to focus on sex as a key element of
marriage, but sex has never been solely about making children. Take any piece of great literature from ANY
point in history, look at the sexual motivations of the characters, and you’ll
notice that making children has nothing to do with why they want to have sex.
Traditional
marriage laws define the person who has the exclusive legal right to engage in
sexual relations with a particular woman. Given the power of the human sex
drive, no society can exist for long if there aren’t laws regulating the use of
what the Supreme Court once called “the sexual powers.” In Maryland the unreasonable refusal to
engage in sexual relations with one’s spouse used to be grounds for divorce while the
failure to produce offspring, on the other hand was and is not. In a sense, like so many other laws regarding
personal relations, traditional marriage laws exist to protect the prerogatives
of men.
What
Justice Alito says he wants to protect is the right of States to select an
arbitrary definition of who gets the benefits States try to direct toward families
based on one conception of marriage.
A state shouldn't be able to do this unless the
State has a damned good reason.
What really bothers Justice Alito, though, is the fact that his side has lost the
culture war. The majority opinion “will be used to vilify Americans who
are unwilling to assent to the new orthodoxy.
In the course of its opinion, the majority compares traditional marriage
laws to laws that denied equal treatment for African-Americans and women. . .
The implications of this analogy will be exploited by those who are determined
to stamp out every vestige of dissent.”
He adds (without irony) that “By imposing its own views on the entire
country, the majority facilitates the marginalization of the many Americans who
have traditional ideas.”
Tevye
ultimately could not control his daughters, despite the strength of his
tradition. They marry who they love.
“It’s a whole new world” he muses to his wife.
Well, yes. And I’d like to think
that in this new world, we are not bound by traditions that don’t lead us to
happiness. In this new world, the key
American tradition that leads us to happiness is equality before the law.
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